Sunday, July 21, 2019

Nebuchednezzar’s ‘grandson’, ‘Ahasuerus’ and queen Vashti







  Art Print featuring the photograph King Ahasuerus by Icons Of The Bible
 

by


 
Damien F. Mackey


 
 
 
‘Now I will give all your countries into the hands of my servant Nebuchadnezzar
king of Babylon; I will make even the wild animals subject to him. All nations
will serve him and his son and his grandson until the time for his land comes;
then many nations and great kings will subjugate him’.
 
Jeremiah 27:6-7
 
 
 
 
Daniel 5 provides us with a straightforward sequence of kings for the Chaldean to early Medo-Persian eras. These are: 1. Nebuchednezzar, 2. his son Belshazzar, and 3. Darius the Mede.
Thus the prophet Daniel proclaims to Belshazzar (5:18): ‘O thou king, the most high God gave Nebuchadnezzar thy father a kingdom, and majesty, and glory, and honour …’. And later we read (vv. 30-31): “In that night was Belshazzar the king of the Chaldeans slain. And Darius the Median took the kingdom, being about threescore and two years old”.
That King Nebuchednezzar ‘the Great’ indeed had a son named Belshazzar is further attested by Baruch 1:12: ‘The Lord will give us strength, and light to our eyes; we shall live under the protection of King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon, and under the protection of his son Belshazzar, and we shall serve them many days and find favor in their sight’.
 
 
Nebuchednezzar and his evil son Belshazzar (Daniel 5) find a parallel in my revision with: Nabonidus and his (known) son Belshazzar.
According to this revision, Nebuchednezzar = Nabonidus, and Evil-merodach (known son and successor of Nebuchednezzar) = Belshazzar (of Baruch, of Daniel, and son of Nabonidus).
 
And so we have this clear sequence:
 
  1. Nebuchednezzar (= Nabonidus), his son
  2. Belshazzar (= Evil-merodach),
  3. Darius the Mede.
 
The enigmatic Darius the Mede I also consider to have been both Cyrus ‘the Great’ and the ‘King Ahasuerus’ of the Book of Esther.
 

 
But now a seeming complication arises. The prophet Jeremiah adds to Nebuchednezzar’s lineage a ‘grandson’: “All nations will serve him and his son and his grandson …”.
 
Was Darius (= Cyrus = ‘Ahasuerus’) actually a ‘grandson’ (בֶּן-בְּנוֹ) of Nebuchednezzar’s?
 
In a sense, yes he was, if Jewish tradition is right here. For the (presumably young) wife of the 60+ year old king ‘Ahasuerus’ is alleged to have been the daughter of Belshazzar.
“Vashti was born to Babylonian royalty. Her grandfather was Nebuchadnezzar, who had destroyed Solomon's Temple in Jerusalem and driven the Jews into exile. Her father was Belshazzar, the last in a line of great Babylonian kings whose dramatic death is described in the Book of Daniel”.
This we read in an article by Rebbetzin Tziporah Heller, entitled “The Villainy of Vashti” (2003): https://www.aish.com/h/pur/t/dt/48951881.html
 



As the story of Purim in the Book of Esther begins, King Achashverosh [Ahasuerus] of Persia is holding a banquet.
On the seventh day of the festivities, the king summons Queen Vashti so that the ministers and guests can admire her beauty. He commands that she come wearing only the royal crown. Queen Vashti refuses and is executed.
The job vacancy brings Esther to the palace where she is in position to save the Jewish people when chief minister Haman hatches his plot for their total annihilation.
Vashti, whose refusal to obey the king sets the action in motion, is an interesting character in this drama. In fact, in the first analysis she seems like a heroine -- a woman who had too much dignity to be paraded naked before a drunken horde. There is only one problem. Heroism is not determined from the outside in, but rather from the inside out. From that perspective, Vashti, as we shall see, was a villain.
Judaism defines heroism as an act of overcoming an obstacle that stands in the way of a spiritual objective. Such obstacles are placed before all of us by God, but the level of sacrifice demanded to overcome each such obstacle can vary widely. In the case of one person, genuine heroism may go as far as sacrificing one's life for the sake of another. For another person, genuine heroism may mean sacrificing ego or pride.
Therefore, our question when assessing Vashti's heroism or villainy is: what was she reaching towards and what stood in the way of her achieving that goal?
In order for us to draw conclusions, let us expand our picture of her.
 
WHO WAS VASHTI?
 
Vashti was born to Babylonian royalty. Her grandfather was Nebuchadnezzar, who had destroyed Solomon's Temple in Jerusalem and driven the Jews into exile. Her father was Belshazzar, the last in a line of great Babylonian kings whose dramatic death is described in the Book of Daniel.
Belshazzar threw a party and commanded that revelers drink from the holy vessels of the Temple and then praise "the gods of gold and silver..."
At that moment, a large unattached finger appeared and started to write on the wall: "God has numbered the days of your kingdom and brought it to an end ... your kingdom has been divided and given to the Medes and Persians." That very night invading [hordes] of Persians and Medes attacked; Vashti was the only survivor. But the spirit of conquest that had doomed her father lived on intact within her.
We learn more about her from the Talmud (in Megillah 12). It tells us Vashti would have Jewish women brought before her, force them to undress and coerce them into working for her on Shabbat. The Talmud then asks why did she refuse to come before Achashverosh (not being known as a modest woman)? The Talmud gives two answers: 1) because tzaraat (a skin ailment resembling leprosy) erupted on her body; or 2) because she had grown a tail.
If an aggadic statement in the Talmud doesn't make sense literally, the approach that we are meant to take, according to the Maharal, is to try to grasp the underlying meaning of the allegory. With this in mind we shall proceed, separating the literal from the allegorical and analyzing the latter further.
It is almost certain given the social environment of ancient Persia, and the underlying hatred of Jews that came to the surface soon after this episode, that the first part of the statement is literal. Yes, she did have Jewish women abducted. Yes, she did want to humiliate them. Yes, she was clever enough to figure out the most efficient way to bring this about.
The second segment is not literal. No, she did not sacrifice her life by disobeying a despot because of bad skin. She did not have a terrible case of acne or anything resembling a simple skin disease. No, she did not reverse evolution and grow a tail. The second part is an allegory that demands interpretation.
 
A THREAT TO VASHTI
 
Jewish women represented a threat to Vashti because they were, in the most profound sense of the word, unconquerable. By observing Shabbat, they demonstrated that there is a ruler who is beyond the reach of any monarch. By maintaining their basic modesty they proved that they define themselves internally rather than superficially. They were untouchable.
It was for that reason that Vashti felt an almost compulsive desire to break them. By doing so she sealed her own fate. In order to understand how, we can follow the allegory that the Talmud presents.
The body-soul link is stronger than many of us realize. While we all know that excitement can raise blood pressure, and some of us can describe the process with great precision, there is far more involved that we have as yet to explore. In earlier times, God Himself would allow physical manifestations of an individual's spiritual state to show. The best known of this phenomenon is tzaraat. It affected the skin, the most external part of the body.
(The skin hides and protects the inner organs. The word for skin in Hebrew is or. It is written identically to the word iver, which means blind. The common denominator of the two words is that they both convey the concept of not being able to see things as they really are.)
Tzaraat was an eruption similar to leprosy in that the skin became tough and insensitive. The difference is that while in leprosy the entire effected area is insensate; in the case of tzaraat there always remained at least a patch of living skin in the midst of the dead skin. What this symbolized was that there was always a possibility of redefining oneself.
The Talmud tells that tzaraat came about because of sins involving slander. Slander always has one motivation -- arrogance.
There is no cheaper high for self-importance addicts (like Vashti) than trivializing and belittling others. It gives such people the feeling of superiority without any need to actually be superior. Blindness helps to silence the conscience, because then the victim can't be seen as a fellow human. Therefore, to slander freely without guilt, it helps to have thick skin and to be spiritually blind.
Vashti had long ago stopped seeing beyond the surface. Her punishment was that she had to face the fact that she too was not flawless.
In the process of disparaging others, she lost something very precious -- her own humanity. What she saw when she looked in the mirror was a parody of a human being -- the tail. She saw a heartless egomaniac.
 
WHY VASHTI REFUSED THE KING
 
We can now return to our original question. Why didn't she come when Achashverosh called?
The Talmud (in Midrash Rabba) provides us with the final piece of information that lets us put the puzzle pieces together. It reveals to us the words that she used when she refused him. "You were my father's stable boy. You had harlots parade in front of you. Are you going back to where you came from?"
Her intent was not to build herself up or to preserve her integrity. She was aware of what she had become, but had neither the will nor the courage to change. She had followed a pattern that had typified her life from the beginning. Her intent was to cut him down. There was no heroism here. There was only arrogance.
It is easy for us to fool ourselves. Heroism and egotism come unlabeled. The only key that we have is truth. Purim is the holiday in which every thing was turned about. The inside, the core of truth was revealed. Falsehood was shaken off. May we be worthy of using this day to discover the part of ourselves that is genuinely heroic.
[End of quote]
 
Jewish legends can prove to be very helpful here and there, as I found, for example, in my search for the identity of the elusive Aman (Haman) of the Book of Esther:
 
 
 
Aman (Haman), a king of Judah no less, King Amon!
That was most unexpected.
 
And now, in the case of Jeremiah 27:7, we can say that (thanks again to Jewish tradition) the Medo-Persian king who followed Belshazzar could  indeed be described as a ‘grandson’ of Nebuchednezzar, a ‘grandson’ through marriage - he apparently having married Nebuchednezzar’s grand-daughter.
 

How real is the Adad-guppi Stele?




 
by
 
Damien F. Mackey


 
 
 
 
According to the Stele of Adad-guppi, this woman, the mother of King Nabonidus,
lived for 104 years, from the 20th year of Ashurbanipal until the 9th year of Nabonidus.
 
 
 
 
To say that this chronological data, if accurate, presents a slight problem to my revision of neo-Assyrian/Babylonian kings would be for me to make a huge understatement, considering that I have identified Ashurbanipal with Nabonidus. See e.g. my article:
 
Ashurbanipal and Nabonidus
 
 
 
That means that, if the Adad-guppi Stele were to be strictly accurate, the lady must have died (20th year) even before she was born (9th year).
 
The relevant part of the Stele reads:
 
….
29. From the 2oth year of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, that I was born (in)
30. until the 42nd year of Assurbanipal, the 3rd year of Asur-etillu-ili,
31 .his son, the 2 I St year of Nabopolassar, the 43rd year of Nebuchadrezzar,
32. the 2nd year of Awel-Marduk, the 4th year of Neriglissar,
33. in 95 years of the god Sin, king of the gods of heaven and earth,
….
40. Nabu-na’id (my) only son, the issue of my womb, to the kingship
41. he called, and the kingship of Sumer and Akkad
….
26. From the time of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, until the 9th year
27. of Nabu-na’id king of Babylon, the son, offspring of my womb
28. 104 years of happiness, with the reverence which Sin, king of the gods,
29. placed in me, he made me flourish, my own self : ….
 
 
Thankfully, there is much doubt about the date and authenticity of the document and of the chronological data that it supplies. (“Close examination, however, reveals that these compositions were written years—at times even centuries—after the death of the purported narrator– author. See below)

Charles Ginenthal, for instance, in Pillars of the Past (Volume Two), tells:

 

Longman suggests that in order for a document to be regarded as historically authentic and true, it ought to be “supported by ... cases ... [of other] contemporary witnesses. But according to Paul-Alain Beaulieu there is no corroboration for the Adad-guppi stele from contemporary witnesses because, as he shows “this passage ... remains the sole source on Adad-guppi's life”. The evidence contained in the Adad-guppi stele has no contemporary witnesses for corroboration. It is its own sole source for its historic validity. Longman continues:

 

“The question arises, therefore, as to the relationship between the 'historical' and the 'literary' in these texts. To what extent do these compositions accurately reflect historical events? No precise answer to this question may be given.”….

 

Longman makes it quite clear that one cannot prove the events in such documents as that of Adad-guppi are part of a truly correct historical account rather than a literary, fictional one. The reason is that not only is there no eyewitness corroboration of this document but these texts were created as propaganda tracts to extol the king or others. As Longman further shows,

 

Recent study by both Assyriologists and biblical scholars has exposed the political/propagandist function of many literary compositions. Frequently literature was composed in order to justify a political act that had taken place in the past.”[433]

 

With respect to the Adad-guppi stele in particular as it relates to propaganda, Longman adds:

 

“A dual function may be seen in Adad-guppi: on the one hand Adad-guppi's recounting of her life promotes the worship of the moon cult (her own example ... suggests that such a course of action leads to a prosperous and long life): on the other hand the text also ... glorifies her son Nabonidus. The text … was probably composed by a pro-Nabonidus group that supported his religious program” ….

 

He thus concludes: “the Adad-guppi autobiography is an example of a text that has a religious and a political [propaganda] function working side by side. …. While Jonsson suggests the stele was “evidently composed by Nabonidus”, Longman suggests that it was “probably composed by a pro-Nabonidus group”. Longman goes on to say that such texts were produced by an anonymous author who assumed Adad-guppi's name as a pseudonym:

 

“A pseudonym is 'a false or fictitious name, esp. one assumed by an author'. A pseudonymous literary work, therefore, is one written by someone other than that named in the text as author ... Further, autobiography [such as that of Adad-guppi] is a type of composition in which=h the narrator claims to be the author”. ….

….

 

In the main text itself, the main god, Sin, is made to say “Through you [Adad-guppi] I will bring about the return of the gods (to) the dwelling in Harran by means of Nabunaid [Nabonidus] your son”. …. All this shows that no one knows who wrote the stele and for what reason. But more important is the problem of when it was composed. Longman gives this general overview: “Close examination, however, reveals that these compositions were written years—at times even centuriesafter the death of the purported narrator– author”. ….

 

He further conjectures that the Adad-guppi text was composed “(10 years?)” after her death. …. The question mark added to the estimate makes it clear that the date of the text is purely conjectural and can in no way be known.

 

Related to this is the fact pointed out by Raymond Philip Dougherty [441] that the word used by the chronicler refers to the parent of Nabonidus not in the feminine but in the masculine form, as though Adad-guppi was a man. This indicates that the chronicler who copied the Nabonidus Chronicle did so long after the events recounted and edited it based on his incorrect understanding of the text. Dougherty further shows:

 

“An apparent quandary arises ... concerning Nabonidus' stay ... in Arabia [based on] available texts ... he was not in Babylonia in the ninth year of his reign when the death of his mother occurred. The intimation of the Nabonidus Chronicle is that he took part neither in the three-day period of mourning ... nor in the general mourning after her death during the month of Sivan of the same year. On the other hand the Eski-Harrân inscription column III, lines 19b-32, attributes to Nabonidus the performance of extensive burial rites which were common in antiquity”. ….

 

To explain this obvious contradiction, textual editing is employed by Dougherty. It is assumed that Nabonidus issued orders that “all appropriate rites should be performed in his name ... [therefore a]nything done at the behest of a distant sovereign was credited to him.”[443]

 

All of this editing and textual criticism cannot be tested; it is all assumed and then the assumptions are taken as valid historical chronology of this period.

 

Therefore, we have no idea who wrote the Adad-guppi inscription, when it was written, or if the work is a valid basis upon which one may depend as evidence for the established chronology. Herbert Butterfield discussed these foundation inscriptions

 

"in the Babylonia of the time of Nabonidus ... and indeed during the whole of what is called the Neo-Babylonian epoch. There was a sense for the past, and a great desire to restore ancient temples; but it was necessary to follow the rules that had been established in each case—to discover the temena which had authenticated the original building and had shown how the god had intended it to be constructed. A breach of this divine decree might bring tragedy, and there were occasions when a temple was pulled down because it was disclosed that it did not correspond with the basic document. If the text could not be found, some other document might be used to authenticate tradition at a given place; though it was liable to be superseded if something still more ancient emerged. The temena was attached to the original building and if the temple was in ruins it might be necessary to institute something like a dig [to find it]. Mention is made of specialized workers who took part in this investigation. In the process, varied kinds of texts were likely to be uncovered [such as the Adad-guppi stele]; they would be transcribed and studied and if they contained the name of a ruler he would be located in the king-lists and the date would be worked out”. ….

 

We thus have no idea if this stele was found tens or hundreds of years later in the area of a temple that was either destroyed or left in ruins. We have no idea if elements in it were missing and then replaced by scribes who attempted to give it the correct translation and meaning. A.K. Grayson describes what happened to these inscriptions:

 

"[Neo-]Assyrian royal inscriptions are one of the major sources of this period. The few extant Babylonian inscriptions of this era have little relevance to Assyrian history. Among the Assyrian royal inscriptions the commemorative texts [like that of Adad-guppi] are the largest and most important group. They consist of annals [etc.]. The annals were commonly re-edited many times during a reign and the historian should give priority to the earliest version for a given campaign. Even the modern scholar must be very critical, for most of the texts now extant are products of considerable editing, selecting and conflating of various sources. Moreover, the Assyrian royal inscriptions are notoriously biased and occasionally untruthful, and one must constantly watch for deliberate omission, distortions, and falsification”. ….

 

All these problems must also be involved in either small or large measure with the Adad-guppi stele. How can one know for certain that this is not the case with the Adad-guppi inscription, since there are no other corroborating eyewitness accounts to determine its validity? An example of how this falsification occurs is reported by Joan Oates and David Oates:

 

“The interest of ... historical [reality] for the archaeology of Nimrud is that Sargon later substituted his own 'improved' version of the events, as a blatant piece of propaganda in a document directly modeled after that of [the original one by] MerodachBaladan and [placed it] in the same temple in Warka. Indeed the final lines of the 'substitute' cylinder read 'copy of a foundation-text sent (?) to/from the palace in the land of Assur; copied and revised. Sargon retained the original in his archives where it was found by Mallowan in 1952, literally over a period of three days, the cylinder itself having been broken – deliberately? – into three pieces”.

 

In this case the archaeologists and historians were fortunate to discover the original and have the falsifier admit his revision. But we cannot depend on this being the case with other documents such as the Adad-guppi inscription.

 

 

Wednesday, July 17, 2019

Boastful Assyrian comes to grief



Ashur-natsir-pal II

by
 
Damien F. Mackey
  
 
 
 
“How you have fallen from heaven, morning star, son of the dawn!
You have been cast down to the earth, you who once laid low the nations!”
 
Isaiah 14:12
 
 
 
 
 
Commenting on his recent finding of my article:
 
Sargon II and Sennacherib, More Than Just and Overlap
 
 
a reader has written to me:
 
Damien,
 
I was studying this past week for a sermon on Isaiah 14, and trying to determine, "Who is the King of Babylon?" Nebuchanezzar, Nabonidus, and Belshazzar did not seem to be compatible with the details. I discovered that Sennacherib and Sargon II have been proposed by some.
That was interesting. I read up on them online and discovered that Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Ashurbanipal (I think) claimed the title "King of Babylon". That was really interesting. 
I discovered that Sargon II was a great conqueror, and thought that fit with the image of an oppressor who had put down a lot of kings, who would be quite excited to see him thrust down to Sheol. I discovered that his death sounded a lot like Isaiah 14:19, in which a corpse does not find a grave and is not joined in burial with the other kings.
However, the declarations of verse 13, in which the king exults himself against God, intends to be higher than God, and intends to scale the mount of the congregation (the temple mount in Jerusalem) sounded a lot more like Sennacherib who blasphemed God in a manner much like that, and intended to conquer the city of Jerusalem. I was quite puzzled. Was the king of Babylon Sargon II or Sennacherib? Then I found your writing, "Sargon II and Sennacherib, More Than Just and Overlap." That was quite a moment!
Thanks for that writing. It was really helpful. Would you consider adding the suggestion to Wikipedia that Sargon II and Sennacherib could be the same person? It would be nice to rescue Assyrian chronology from being entirely dominated by secular influence. 
Seeing the King of Babylon as the Assyrian king of Babylon really helps make sense of Isaiah 14:25, where God says that he will break the Assyrian in "my land". If Sennacherib is in view in the passage, this verse referring to the death of the 185,000 soldiers is entirely in context, and not just oddly inserted.
I also discovered that James Ussher in Annals of the World, p. 82, said, "Sargon is also called Sennacherib." Do you know why scholars rejected this understanding, if it was current in Ussher's day?
How do you harmonize the suggestions that Sargon was killed in battle, and his body never found, with the story of Sennacherib killed in a temple by his sons? Are there other details that are difficult to fit into your theory?
Once again, Thanks so much! God bless your studies. ….
 

 
Damien Mackey’s response to this terrific e-mail:
 
A big part of the problem that has led to a wrong arrangement of ancient kings and dynasties is - as Dr. Immanuel Velikovsky had pointed out in his Theses and in his various books - the artificial over-extension of Egyptian chronology that has largely been used as the measuring rod for other nations, such as Assyria and Babylonia, thereby throwing these right out of whack.
See e.g. my article on this:
 
The Fall of the Sothic Theory: Egyptian Chronology Revisited
 
 
So even though some of the early, say, biblical historians, such as Ussher (and thank you for pointing this out) may rightly have discerned that, as you quote: "Sargon is also called Sennacherib", later biblical historians, tying themselves to a faultily constructed Assyrian chronology, are forced then to mangle the biblical record in order to ‘make it fit’ the wrongly construed secular one.
 
What a mess!
 
The much lauded Edwin Thiele, for instance, has completely ruined the chronology of the Judean king Hezekiah by making it fit with what he imagines to be a virtually rock-solid neo-Assyrian chronology. (Thiele’s Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings)
A pity that the likes of Thiele did not pay attention to an ancient source like the Book of Tobit, which has “Sennacherib” directly succeeding his father, “Shalmaneser” (Tobit 1:15). No mention whatsoever there of Sargon – not because he did not exist, but because, well we know why, Sargon was Sennacherib. Isaiah 20:1 mentions “Sargon”, the only known reference to this great king down through the centuries until his city of Dur-Sharrukin (“Fortress of Sargon”) was discovered at the site of Khorsabad in the C19th AD.    
“In time, the ruins were buried by the sands and the city was forgotten. The settlement known as Khorsabad came to be established on the spot, and then, in 1873 CE the archaeologist Paul Emile Botta began excavations there. These were later carried on by another archaeologist named Victor Place”. https://www.ancient.eu/Dur-Sharrukin/
 
In my university thesis:
 
A Revised History of the Era of King Hezekiah of Judah
and its Background
 
 
I had written regarding the earlier puzzlement about Sargon (Volume One, pp. 134-135):
 
Sargon was for many centuries a complete mystery as Boutflower has explained,[1] with reference to Isaiah’s verse 20:1, which Boutflower gives as: “The year that the Tartan [Turtan] came to Ashdod, when Sargon king of Assyria sent him”:
 
... Sargon, the founder of the last and greatest dynasty of Assyria’s warrior kings. Of the dynasty which he founded Sargon was the ablest monarch: indeed he is regarded by some as the greatest of all Assyrian kings .... For long ages the only mention of this great king was found in the opening verse of Isa. xx, which heads this chapter. Accordingly, the older Biblical commentators were much puzzled as to who Sargon could be. Was he Sennacherib? or Shalmaneser? or a successor of Shalmaneser and immediate predecessor of Sennacherib?
 
The early archaeological efforts of the mid-C19th solved the problem, so Boutflower thought:
 
The mystery was at length solved when the first Assyrian palace, brought to light by the excavations of Botta at Khorsabad in 1842, proved to be the palace of Sargon, erected by him in his new city of Dur-Sargon: and it was presently seen that the last guess was the right one.
 
Indeed there are several very strong indicators, at least on the surface of things, as to why one should adhere to the textbook view, as summed up by Boutflower, that Sargon was “a successor of Shalmaneser and immediate predecessor of Sennacherib”.
 
[End of quotes]
 
How to reconcile supposed separate (different types of) deaths of Sargon II, of Sennacherib?
On p, 137 of my university thesis I told of a mischievous insertion by Winckler and Delitzsch of the name “Sargon” into the Assyrian texts:
 
Another seemingly compelling evidence in favour of the conventional chronology, but one that has required heavy restoration work by the Assyriologists, is in regard to Sennacherib’s supposed accession. According to the usual interpretation of the eponym for Nashur(a)-bel, (705 BC, conventional dating), known as Eponym Cb6, Sargon was killed and Sennacherib then sat on the throne:[2]
 
The king [against Tabal....] against Ešpai the Kulummaean. [......] The king was killed. The camp of the king of Assyria [was taken......]. On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son [of Sargon, took his seat on the throne].
 
Tadmor informs us about this passage that: “Winckler and Delitzsch restored: [MU 16 Šarru-ki]n; ana Ta-ba-lu [illik]”. That is, these scholars took the liberty of adding Sargon’s name.
 
Jonsson, who note has included Sargon’s name in his version of the text, gives it more heavily bracketted than had Tadmor:[3] “[Year 17] Sargon [went] against Tabal [was killed in the war. On the 12th of Abu, Sennacherib, son of Sargon, sat on the throne]”.
This document will become hugely significant in the context of this thesis.
 
[End of quotes]
 
 
 
To cut to the chase, the ill-fated “Assyrian” who died in the land of Israel just prior to the rout and devastation of king Sennacherib’s 185,000-strong army, was Sennacherib’s eldest son, Ashur-nadin-shumi, the devious “Nadin” (Nadab) of the Book of Tobit, the world-conquering commander-in-chief “Holofernes” of the Book of Judith, according to my reconstructions, e. g:
 
"Nadin" (Nadab) of Tobit is the "Holofernes" of Judith
 
 
Oh, yes, and this Ashur-nadin-shuni was indeed a king of Babylon:
As crown prince of Assyria, Ashur-nadin-shumi was installed by his father as King of Babylon about 699 BC. In 694 BC when Sennacherib attacked southern Elam in pursuit of Chaldaean rebels, the Elamites attacked Babylon. Ashur-nadin-shumi was captured and taken to Elam, where [sic] he was probably killed.[1]
 
He was in fact slain by the Simeonite heroine, Judith, near Shechem (“Bethulia”).
 
 
 
 


[1] The Book of Isaiah, p. 110.  
[2] H. Tadmor, ‘The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur’, p. 97.
[3] ‘The Foundations of the Assyro-Babylonian Chronology’, p. 21.